As democratic and progressive citizens, gathered around the defense of the basic principles of freedom, equality, solidarity, sovereignty and social justice, we hereby declare our coincidence in this PROGRESSIVE MANIFESTO. We present it as a starting point of a process of collective building of an alternative political project for Latin America and the Caribbean, We hope it serves as a reference in order to formulate national progressive proposals in our countries.<\/strong><\/p>\nThe members of the Grupo de Puebla, through its Executive Council, its Latin American Council for Justice and Democracy, its Parliamentary Group and its Center of Thought Marco Aurelio Garcia consider:<\/p>\n
Humankind is facing its greatest challenge: life on planet Earth is endangered. In this context, the tragic sanitary crisis unleashed by Covid-19 has meant irreparable loses in Latin America, in terms of lifes, while it has also aggravated and deepened the economic and social crisis, which had been dragging on for years as a consequence, among others, of brutal or hybrid blows which progressive governments in the region have received. Likewise, some administrations have defended negationist postures about the pandemic, showing their incompetence and negligence and endangering not only their countries but every country in the region.<\/p>\n
The pandemic has unveiled the deep inequalities that are a consequence of the neoliberal model and it has been shown by the vaccine distribution. Such unjustice can be observed in the deep asymmetry in its production and distribution even though millions of lives depend on this process. The pharmaceutical industry concentrates the possibility of allocating the vaccine while holding a dominant position to negotiate with the countries of the Global South, and even affecting the COVAX initiative launched by the World Health Organization (WHO) in order to guarantee equitable access. We see with a lot of worry the possibility that countries with both low and medium income cannot access the medication. Only through solidarity and equality humankind will be able to overcome this pandemic.<\/p>\n
The neoliberal model, which relies on the capital financing, promotes extreme inequality and precariousness on the job market, it makes the Welfare State and democracy fragile, it undermines social rights , threatens the environment, it leads to recurring economic crisis and it has become incompatible with sustainable growth and social justice. The decline of the neoliberal model and its subsequent economic and social crisis had led to the growth of the far right in some countries, which endangers democracy, even in countries with a significant democtatic history. This model, which is incompatible with life, must be substituted by one that can claim solidarity, justice and substantial democracies. It is urgent to take a new path for the people of Latin America, the Caribbean and Iberoamerica.<\/p>\n
In order to achieve this goal it is essential to recover integration, unity and political concertation. Latin America and the Caribbean have only a few times in history been so divided, while it is urgent to achieve unity to face the challenges in the near, medium and large term.<\/p>\n
In the midst of a pandemic, there are several threats on Democracy, the Rule of Law and the separation of powers, and particularly, judiciary wars or lawfare which affect fundamental rights of the leaders of progressiveness. It has become necessary to play a closed defense of democracy in the middle of a particular moment in which authoritarianism is a real possibility. In the face of such aggressive conservative and neofascist nationalism, it is necessary to answer with more social presence of theState and claiming the Welfare State<\/p>\n
Considering all of the above:<\/p>\n
1. To institute a solidarity-based development model. We need to implement a new solidarity model that guarantees the consolidation of Latin America as a zone of peace in the world, ensures the continuity and strengthens its democracies, allows progress in the task of reducing social inequality through greater inclusion, contributes to the internationalization and stable and integral growth of its economies and makes the full enjoyment of human rights a permanent reality.<\/p>\n
There is an urgent need to implement this model of solidarity which implies a strategy of ecological transition; vindicates the role of innovation, science and technology and makes them priorities in public spending; resorts to social value chains as a mechanism to be competitive while closing gaps; and incorporates within its ideology the exercise, with rights and duties, of citizenship on a regional scale, especially at a time when the guarantees for migrants seem to be in question and the world is moving towards new forms of segregation.<\/p>\n
2. To recover the fundamental role of the State. A secure, egalitarian, free and democratic future cannot be envisaged without recovering an active and leading role for the State, which has been dismantled and weakened under neoliberal dogma. It is not a matter of returning to previous formulas, but of developing its potential as arbiter of the market, in the distribution of collective welfare, and recovering public management and the guarantee of equal access to goods and services of universal access and that represent rights such as health, education, work, culture, food security, drinking water, social housing, energy, communication and information and scientific knowledge.<\/p>\n
3. To stimulate the social responsibility of the market. The guarantee of private enterprise and its legitimate development includes the State’s obligation to ensure free competition, defend consumers, protect decent work and avoid monopolistic and oligopolistic practices. Likewise, to favor shared innovation processes to guarantee the quality of public social goods and to eliminate restrictions to intellectual property on social goods, particularly due to the current situation. Therefore, we warn about the possibility of patents becoming an impediment to access to health as a public good.<\/p>\n
Private initiative must be in solidarity with the State in achieving its goals in terms of social inclusion, generation of decent jobs and greater democratic participation. The market cannot continue to be the paradise of a few and the hell of many[1].<\/p>\n
4. To assume health as a global public good. The pandemic demonstrated the urgent need to consider health as a right for everyone in order to build universal public health systems. In addition, the crisis demonstrated the need for States to be able to produce the necessary vaccines, drugs and hospital supplies. Therefore, States are required to guarantee the universal right to public health, with real and effective access to citizens, including migrants. Health and scientific research policies, production and access to medicines cannot depend on criteria associated with the market, but on the priorities and needs of our peoples.<\/p>\n
In this order of ideas, universal access to the Covid-19 vaccine should be a demand of progressivism that sees with concern how its distribution is speculated and subjected to the logic of the market under the regime of private law. The Grupo de Puebla invites the companies, organizations and governments that today control the production and distribution of vaccines to immediately allocate 10% of their stocks for the care in all countries of the world of medical and health personnel who are in the first line of combat of the virus and the elderly population, as well as those with pathologies at risk.<\/p>\n
5. To review privatizations and promote more public control and less market in the provision of public goods and services. Not only health should be seen as a public good. Distribution and redistribution exclusively through the market impedes access to basic goods and services for millions of people in vulnerable conditions such as education, housing and security, among others. Similarly, innovation, efficiency, general welfare, social justice, redistribution of income and wealth, and democracy represent ideals that can only be achieved with political will, through collective action, and not through mechanisms that presume the market as a perfect interaction between supply and demand.<\/p>\n
6. To protect civil society and equitable access to social networks. Social movements, their organization, social protest and their free expression through networks must be protected and guaranteed by the State. Such protection will be especially important in these times both during and post-pandemic when social discontent resulting from impoverishment, labor informalization and unemployment will increase. Thus, discontent and protest must find democratic and peaceful channels for expression. Democracy must be understood as a process of converting social relations of unequal power into bonds of shared authority2].<\/p>\n
7. To deepen and consolidate democracies. The economic and social crisis has been weakening democracies and systems of political representation throughout the world. In Latin America and the Caribbean, this scenario could be even more critical due to the structural weakness of our political systems. We advocate structural reforms to strengthen our democracies, making them more participatory and inclusive. It will be necessary, therefore, to involve the excluded, marginalized and exploited segments in order to turn them into dynamic actors in the public decision-making process. We need systems of government that strengthen and redefine the role of political parties, and that reinstate their representative character while strengthening the mechanisms of direct participation and advancing towards participatory and radical democracies.<\/p>\n
8. To resist and combat hybrid warfare. In recent times, the region has been attacked by the so-called hybrid war, an initiative led by the United States that consists of altering the course of our democracies. The main strategy of this new form of warfare consists of coups d’\u00e9tat which, unlike in the past, do not occur by appealing to the military, but by curtailing the powers of Congresses and violating the rights of opponents through actions such as the violation of homes, generalized repression and intimidation in the media and social networks. Such aggression seeks to accommodate Latin America within the geopolitical agenda of the United States and may increase and aggravate poverty, misery and hunger. This new form of coup was carried out against Dilma Rousseff, Fernando Lugo, Manuel Zelaya and Evo Morales.<\/p>\n
9. To reject lawfare. The Grupo de Puebla rejects lawfare, which is part of hybrid warfare and has sought to curtail the rights of progressive organizations, movements or parties. These processes that are being carried out, with the support of the United States, against progressive leaders in the region seek to prevent them from electing and being elected through the curtailment of their rights to due process and media stigmatization by de facto powers that have displaced the democratic spaces occupied by the parties. Progressive leaders have the full right to exercise their leadership with guarantees for their life, freedom, mobility, expression and geographic roots. We recall that the judiciary belongs to the people, therefore, it must be rescued as a public service with judges who defend this popular power from sectarian postulates against the citizenry, opposition leaders and for the benefit of the governments in power. In this sense, we highlight the work being developed by the Latin American Council for Justice and Democracy (CLAJUD), created by the Group, against the judicialization of politics and the politicization of justice.<\/p>\n
10. To defend Cuba, Nicaragua and Venezuela from aggression and interference by powers or third states. Many of the countries in the region have been subjected to destabilizing actions through the imposition of blockades, economic sanctions and unilateral policies contrary to international law. These types of anachronistic and outdated positions are even more serious in the context of the health crisis because they affect access to supplies, medicines and means to contain the pandemic. The Grupo de Puebla considers these positions as aggressions against the most vulnerable segments of our peoples, as well as a threat against the integration process. Progressivism promotes solutions in line with the peaceful resolution of conflicts, non-intervention and support for democratic, peaceful and negotiated solutions.<\/p>\n
11. To promote an effective fight against political corruption. The Grupo de Puebla understands that the fight against public corruption -with a private counterpart- begins with recovering the concept of public service and eradicating from the State the market practices that turned government decisions into private auctions of goods and public services. In the specific case of political corruption, it is proposed, as an initial step, the integral state financing of all political campaigns. Finally, in this fight against corruption, attention should be drawn to the damage caused by \u00abtax havens\u00bb, which make it difficult to trace the resources taken from public bonds and which serve as a vehicle for capital accumulation strategies by transnational corporations.<\/p>\n
12. To Generate social value chains. Value creation, through reindustrialization, must begin with the development of social value chains of small and medium-sized enterprises that act by associating inclusive and environmentally sustainable productive links. This project must be accompanied by greater investment in innovation, the development of regional infrastructure and the creation of greater logistical facilities in an international environment in which \u00abselling\u00bb has become more important than \u00abproducing\u00bb.<\/p>\n
13. To promote equality, eliminate poverty, create dignified jobs, increase wages and implement robust policies for social inclusion and the elimination of the sexual division of labor. We must work towards the active promotion of social equality and the elimination of poverty, through the generation of dignified work, the recognition of care work, the increase of basic wages and the implementation of comprehensive social inclusion policies focused on a new cycle of growth and a solidarity-based model of development.<\/p>\n
14. To establish the Basic Solidarity Income. The Grupo de Puebla proposes, as a starting point to address the social crisis aggravated by the pandemic, which drove millions into poverty, a Basic Solidarity Income (BSI), of a temporary nature, for the duration of the economic and social effects of the pandemic. The BBS should complement existing income transfer programs. The RBS would cover the 83 million Latin Americans who remained in extreme poverty after the pandemic: 16 million more after the pandemic and 214 million more in poverty according to ECLAC data.<\/p>\n
15. To promote tax justice. To recover the role of the State, it will be necessary to promote progressive tax reforms, with direct and progressive taxes on income and wealth, the elimination of exemptions and the penalization of tax evasion, easing the tax burden on the poorest, the middle classes and SMEs (small and medium-sized enterprises). In contrast, more progressive taxes should be levied on the large companies and actors in the financial system that generate the most profits.<\/p>\n
According to ECLAC, as a consequence of tax evasion, the region loses every year the equivalent of 6.3% of the regional GDP, so that the implementation of such a program is feasible, as long as it is adapted to the different economic and social realities of each country.<\/p>\n
It is important to call for fiscal targets to concretize a solidarity-based economic policy. We echo the call of the Independent Commission on Corporate Tax Reform for those who generate the most profits to pay a 25% tax to finance the post-pandemic.<\/p>\n
16. To refinance the external debt and support an international financial mechanism to overcome the crisis. Latin American countries could, when they consider it necessary and on a voluntary basis, refinance their external debt with international lending agencies and private lenders. It is estimated that a two-year refinancing of the regional external debt, assuming that all countries request it, would mobilize resources of more than USD 250 billion, which would help finance the reconstruction of the productive structure, the cost of which has been estimated at between 10% and 12% of GDP over the next few years.<\/p>\n
At the same time, we could support an international financial effort to overcome the crisis, with the participation of multilateral organizations, such as the World Bank and the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD), or regional development banks, to access a program of resources and credits in order to boost investments and resume regional economic growth. This would depend on a global negotiation, and could be supported by an international financial architecture at the service of the real economy and job creation, and financed by levies on the global mobility of capital, such as the Tobin Tax and taxes on large digital platform firms.<\/p>\n
17. To direct issuance by central banks to governments. European countries are demonstrating that in cases of calamities such as the one we are going through, the financing of programs with issuance resources is legitimate. The space left by negative inflation rates and the need to expand demand to reactivate the economy and rebuild the social fabric would fully justify this mechanism in some Latin American and Caribbean economies. One idea that should be considered is the elimination of the fiscal rule and the direct management of resources for recovery by governments and not by private banks.<\/p>\n
18. To establish a new economic policy based on solidarity. Social policy cannot be subordinated to short-term economic priorities. The region requires a countercyclical economic policy, generous in times of scarcity, subject to social priorities in terms of employment and equality, fiscally sustained by progressive taxes and with sovereign control over the inflow and outflow of international capital. Progressive governments, at the beginning of the century, demonstrated that macroeconomic stability can be achieved without sacrificing growth and social inclusion goals.<\/p>\n
19. To generate employment and development while ensuring macroeconomic stability and rejecting austerity. Orthodox austerity policies cause enormous damage to our economies and societies, especially in an environment of economic contraction, stagnation of world trade and depletion of private investment. We believe that it is the State’s obligation to guarantee a macroeconomic policy that combines inflation control, the generation of decent employment and the promotion of sustainable development. In many cases, this will imply the modification of monetary policy goals by central banks with autonomy that depends on the protection of the general and collective interest.<\/p>\n
20. To Install a new regional financial architecture. The Solidarity Model of Development (MSD) could be supported by a new regional financial architecture to ensure its independence. This structure would be made up of a network of regional banks that would attend to sectoral financing and the re-emergence of the idea of the Bank of the South. An expansion of the current Latin American Reserve Fund (FLAR) is needed to finance the balance of payments. The region must free itself from the conditionalities of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. For financial operations for infrastructure and technological development projects, temporary alliances would be sought with international banks, especially from countries of the Global South, such as the organizations that serve the BRICS and Asian financial agencies, which have already shown interest in supporting investments in Latin America and the Caribbean. The Latin American Integration Association (ALADI) scenario could be used to promote payment agreements in national currencies or strengthen existing mechanisms.<\/p>\n
21. To Implement a new industrialization and green transition. In terms of employment generation, we must seek a new development model based on the replacement of extractivist activities with a new industrialization under parameters of environmental sustainability and in the key of ecological transition. Similarly, we must work on a comprehensive rural reform that guarantees access to land for peasants, supporting family and peasant agriculture, promoting low-carbon agriculture aimed at the production of healthy and environmentally compatible food, all within the criteria of increased productivity based on new information and communications technologies. This implies greater support for the demands of environmentalism in its struggle against transgenic crops, the defense of biodiversity and the protection of seriously threatened ecological reserves.<\/p>\n
22. To Include good living or living well as a paradigm. Returning to the teachings of the native peoples, the concept of sumak kawsay (good living) or suma qama\u00f1a (living well) should be adopted as a frame of reference for the improvement of the quality of life within a historical, cultural and spiritual brotherhood. This notion of the native Andean peoples coincides with the proposal of Pope Francis to stimulate global fraternity, leaving aside the \u00abculture of walls\u00bb that ends up enslaving those who build them, enclosing themselves within their own prisons, leaving no room for the recognition of the \u00abother\u00bb, the basis of global coexistence[3].<\/p>\n
23. To promote the building of citizenship. The concept of citizenship has to do with the place where people are born, where they live and their right to have rights, as well as the possibility to exercise such rights anywhere in the world. Free mobility of people within a geographical space is the essence of integration in the XXI century. \u00bfHow to understand the permanent demand to facilitate the mobility of commodities, services, capital and data in the face of all the obstacles created to prevent the mobility of people? Mobility to be born, to work, to study, to know, to choose and to be chosen, to get a pension or to die with dignity. To build Latin American citizenship, through the elimination of all barriers that make it difficult for a person to exercise its rights within the region is the biggest challenge of this century. The goal, at the end of the process is to not have migrants but citizens of the region and the world.<\/p>\n
24. To warranty the access of information, free speech and to promote a more democratic information order. The proliferation of information has not resulted in massive and balanced access. A few years ago it was thought that platforms and social media would serve per se popular causes and the expansion of democratic participation. Reality has shown us an almost monopolic picture of huge conglomerates which have become stronger and have profited from selling personal information and have also served to amplify antidemocratic speech. This has not only contributed to expanding the gap, from an intersectional standpoint, but it has also allowed illegal interference in election processes. Today, several actors in society do not have access to information or new technologies. We must work to make communications more democratic, in a way that access to information and communications become a right, while also protecting the data of all people.<\/p>\n
25. To strengthen convergence for integration. The Grupo de Puebla proposes a process of convergence of its current mechanisms of subregional integration[4] until reaching a scenario of articulation and dialogue in ECLAC, where there are currently all 34 countries of the region. The convergence matrix, designed by UNASUR, can be used to identify the strengths, duplicity and specialties of each organism to define the field of action of an invigorated ECLAC, empowered through a Secretary General, with technical support, which can represent the region in the face of a new multilateral systems of government. Convergence does not imply the elimination of forums, conventions or organisms of regional concertation, but a dynamic articulation of those who compose the universe of integration in Latin America and the Caribbean.<\/p>\n
26. To support sovereign Latin American integration. The spaces for regional integration must have the following main objectives: the preservation of the region as a peace zone, the building of citizenship, the promotion of development for all, the respect for human rights, the consolidation of sovereignty and the strengthening of the regional market. Likewise, it is indispensable to boost integration in Latin America in order to allow the countries, as a group, to recover their autonomy in front of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the institutions of international financial capital, such as the risk rating agencies , which, under the threat of reviewing such ratings for each country, create exchange crisis and affect the sovereign decisions of economic policy. It is also necessary to prioritize human rights to obligations derived from commerce and investment treaties and to hold them accountable for social and environmental standards, preventing international arbitration procedures to violate the rights of people and nature.<\/p>\n
27. To support the reform of the United Nations System in order to strengthen multilateralism and multipolarity. The Grupo de Puebla supports the yearned for reform of the current system of the United Nations in order to make it stronger. There are symptoms of its weakening: the lack of financing for its social subsystem (UNESCO, ILO, FAO, among others); the excessive focalization of its operations of military maintenance of peace; the social; the social conditionalities imposed by the organizations that form its economic subsystem (IMF, World Bank, WCO); and, the absence of decision making democratic systems in its political organs (General Assembly, Security Council). While supporting the necessary reform of the United Nations system, the Grupo de Puebla also reiterates its support of multilateralism as a way of global coexistence, its rejection of hegemony and the need to create a more symmetrical, fair and multipolar international order.<\/p>\n
28. To promote knowledge revolution. The new industrialization and a new model of sustainable development will demand that knowledge becomes the source of economic, social and political change that is proposed in this document. The region must massively invest in quality public education, of all levels, so we can have an informed citizenship and the foundation for a development model based on solidarity and innovation. The Grupo de Puebla proposes to destine 2% of the GDP in 2030 to investing in science and technology. This goal is flexible and must be adapted to the particular conditions of each country in our region. We also suggest the creation of a Scientific Mission which can identify and prioritize the fields where this effort must be directed, empathizing in biological investigation, the development of social chains of value, the quality of social services, the attention of tropical diseases, the development of vaccines and other medications, the conservancy of biodiversity, the development of alternative energy sources and the protection of the forest and the water. Likewise, the Grupo de Puebla proposes all countries invest in digital inclusion, as an instrument to make education and information more dynamic.<\/p>\n
29. To introduce a cultural agenda for all identities. Integration is born from identity. The Grupo de Puebla rejects the paradigm of just one global identity and it advocates for multiculturalism as the path to regional coexistence with otherness, which implies the recognition of others. In order to achieve respect for such diverse and inclusive identity, it is necessary to build a regional cultural agenda which revalidates roots, narratives and common values, which supports managers and cultural workers while promoting cultural industries, that not only makes this identity contents, but also makes them socially and economically productive.<\/p>\n
30. To promote gender equality as the engine of progressive transformation. The sanitary crisis has made visible, to both governments and citizens, the grave situation of inequality and discrimination that women face, specially on ethnic communities, in the country, informal workers, elderly women, among others. The pandemic, and the sanitary measures such as confinement at home, affects women, girls and adolescents in two aspects: violence against them, which has become worse do to the mandate to stay at home with their aggressors and, in a lot of cases, they are unable to reach out for help and to seek for the justice administration. The second aspect is how the pandemic has affected their economic autonomy, since a large number of women work in the informal sector of the economy, which is currently quite affected by the sanitary crisis. Women also suffer discrimination in the workplace; limitations to their sexual and reproductive rights; the absence of recognition for the unpaid home and care work they do and the lack of access to participate in a paritary manner in the public sphere. The omission and slow response of the authorities to restitute their rights and dignity only aggravate the situation.<\/p>\n
The elimination of all forms of invisibilizing, violence, oppression and discrimination against women, girls and adolescents cannot be postponed and, therefore, gender and human rights perspective, intersectionality and the promotion and protection of such human rights of women must be a trademark within progressiveness.<\/p>\n
31. To fight structural racism and all forms of discrimination. As well as fighting the patriarchy, it will be indispensable to tackle structural racism and all other forms of discrimination sush as lesbophobia, homophobia, transphobia and all those related to the sexual orientarion and gender identity, which create enormous inequalities and place women and men in extreme conditions of vulnerability, violence and exclusion. The building of post-racial, post-patriarchal, deeply equial and non-discriminatory must be our main goal.<\/p>\n
32. To achieve and preserve peace. As an expression of progressive forces, the Grupo de Puebla encourages any initiative that conducts to establish or to strengthen peace in the Latin American nations. The Grupo de Puebla rejects the use of violence in any of its forms, the encouragement of hate, foreign intervention or the promotion of war in order to impose the dominance of national or transnational power groups. In the same way, the Grupo de Puebla fosters the reallocation of the resources that States use for the production, purchase or commerce of weapons yo be destined to the health and education system. It also exhorts all governments of the region to contribute to the international prohibition to use nuclear weapons in the planer, to avoid their proliferation and to stimulate the dismantling of nuclear arsenals.<\/p>\n
33. To support social mobilization. The Grupo de Puebla supports social mobilization as a genuine expression of nonconformity and change, which must be warranted as a right. At the same time the Grupo de Puebla expresses its worry because of the military nature of the response to social protest. Social mobilization is a right and a warranty within democratic systems, therefore, the disproportionate use of force to fight it is a grave peril to democracy.<\/p>\n
To conclude:<\/strong><\/p>\nIt is our duty as progressive people to read, understand and fully grasp the vigorous, yet painful message of the pandemic: to stop, reflect and go on. It is urgent to work on a political project which moves and convinces the survivors of the old model that there still exist alternative and possible utopias in Latin Am\u00e9rica and the Caribbean. The possible utopia that gathers us today is the building of the new Latin American progressive being, who is more solidary on social matters, more productive on economic matters, more participative on political matters, more peaceful with nature and, overall, more proud of its condition as citizen of Latin America and the Caribbean.<\/p>\n
February 2021<\/p>\n
________________________________________
\n[1] Luis Inacio Lula da Silva
\n[2] De Sousa Santos, Boaventura (2017). Democracia y transformaci\u00f3n social. Bogot\u00e1: Siglo del Hombre Editores.
\n[3] Enc\u00edclica Fratelli Tutti, 2020
\n[4] Comunidad Andina, UNASUR, Mercosur, Organizaci\u00f3n del Tratado de Cooperaci\u00f3n Amaz\u00f3nica, Alba, Caricom, Alianza del Pac\u00edfico, Asociaci\u00f3n de Estados del Caribe y SICA.{:}{:pt}<\/p>\n
Como cidad\u00e3s e cidad\u00e3os democratas e progressistas, reunidos em torno da defesa dos princ\u00edpios b\u00e1sicos da liberdade, da igualdade, da solidariedade, da soberania e da justi\u00e7a social, declaramos nosso acordo neste MANIFESTO PROGRESSISTA. O apresentamos como ponto de partida de um processo de constru\u00e7\u00e3o coletiva de um projeto pol\u00edtico alternativo para a Am\u00e9rica Latina e o Caribe. Esperamos que possa servir como refer\u00eancia para a formula\u00e7\u00e3o de propostas nacionais progressistas em nossos pa\u00edses. <\/p>\n
As e os integrantes do Grupo de Puebla, por meio de seu Conselho Executivo, seu Conselho Latino-americano para a Justi\u00e7a e a Democracia, seu Grupo Parlamentar e seu Centro de Pensamento Marco Aur\u00e9lio Garcia consideram que: <\/p>\n
A humanidade enfrenta o maior de seus desafios: a vida no planeta corre perigo. Neste contexto, a tr\u00e1gica situa\u00e7\u00e3o sanit\u00e1ria desencadeada pela COVID-19 significou para a Am\u00e9rica Latina perdas irrepar\u00e1veis em termos de vidas, al\u00e9m de agravar e aprofundar a crise econ\u00f4mica e social que vinha se arrastando h\u00e1 anos, como consequ\u00eancia, entre outros, de golpes brutais ou h\u00edbridos contra os governos progressistas da regi\u00e3o. Da mesma forma, alguns governos t\u00eam defendido posi\u00e7\u00f5es negacionistas sobre a pandemia, deixando entrever sua incompet\u00eancia e neglig\u00eancia, prejudicando n\u00e3o apenas seus respectivos pa\u00edses, mas o conjunto da regi\u00e3o.<\/p>\n
A pandemia exp\u00f4s as profundas desigualdades decorrentes do modelo neoliberal e que se refletem na distribui\u00e7\u00e3o das vacinas. Essas injusti\u00e7as se observam pelas fortes assimetrias em sua produ\u00e7\u00e3o e distribui\u00e7\u00e3o e das quais depende a vida de milh\u00f5es de pessoas. A ind\u00fastria farmac\u00eautica concentra a possibilidade de dota\u00e7\u00e3o desta, impondo ao seu bel prazer as condi\u00e7\u00f5es de venda aos pa\u00edses do Sul Global, afetando inclusive a iniciativa COVAX, lan\u00e7ada pela Organiza\u00e7\u00e3o Mundial da Sa\u00fade (OMS) para garantir seu acesso equitativo. Vemos com extrema preocupa\u00e7\u00e3o a possibilidade de que pa\u00edses de baixa e m\u00e9dia renda n\u00e3o tenham acesso aos medicamentos. A humanidade s\u00f3 ser\u00e1 capaz de superar esta pandemia se invocar a solidariedade e a igualdade.<\/p>\n
O modelo neoliberal, apoiado no financiamento do capital, promove a desigualdade extrema e a precariedade do mercado de trabalho, enfraquece o Estado de bem-estar e a democracia, solapa os direitos sociais, amea\u00e7a o meio ambiente, conduz a crises econ\u00f4micas recorrentes e tornou o crescimento sustent\u00e1vel e a justi\u00e7a social incompat\u00edveis. Seu esgotamento e a consequente crise econ\u00f4mica e social gerou um crescimento da extrema direita em v\u00e1rias latitudes, o que coloca em risco as democracias, mesmo em pa\u00edses com uma trajet\u00f3ria democr\u00e1tica significativa. Este modelo incompat\u00edvel com a vida deve ser substitu\u00eddo por outro que reivindique a solidariedade, a justi\u00e7a e formas substantivas de democracia. Precisamos com urg\u00eancia de um novo rumo para os povos da Am\u00e9rica Latina, Caribe e Ibero-Am\u00e9rica.<\/p>\n
Para este objetivo \u00e9 indispens\u00e1vel recuperar a integra\u00e7\u00e3o, a unidade e a \u201cconcerta\u00e7\u00e3o\u201d pol\u00edtica, pois, poucas vezes na hist\u00f3ria, a Am\u00e9rica Latina e o Caribe estiveram t\u00e3o divididos, ao passo em que se faz urgente a unidade para enfrentar desafios complexos no curto, m\u00e9dio e longo prazos. <\/p>\n
Em meio \u00e0 pandemia, s\u00e3o muitas as amea\u00e7as contra a democracia, o Estado de Direito e a separa\u00e7\u00e3o dos poderes e, em particular, as guerras jur\u00eddicas ou lawfare que afetam direitos b\u00e1sicos de lideran\u00e7as do progressismo. \u00c9 necess\u00e1rio fazer uma defesa firme da democracia em meio a uma conjuntura na qual o autoritarismo \u00e9 uma possibilidade irrefut\u00e1vel. Frente a esse agressivo nacionalismo conservador e neofascista, deve-se responder com mais Estado Social de Direito e reivindicar o Direito Social ao Estado. <\/p>\n
Considerando o anteriormente dito, propomos: <\/strong><\/p>\n1.\tInstituir um modelo solid\u00e1rio de desenvolvimento.
\nPrecisamos p\u00f4r em marcha um novo modelo solid\u00e1rio que garanta a consolida\u00e7\u00e3o da Am\u00e9rica Latina como zona de paz no mundo; assegure a continuidade e o fortalecimento de suas democracias; permita avan\u00e7ar na tarefa da redu\u00e7\u00e3o das desigualdades sociais por meio de mais inclus\u00e3o; contribua para a internacionaliza\u00e7\u00e3o e o crescimento est\u00e1vel e integral de suas economias; e torne fato permanente a plena observ\u00e2ncia dos Direitos Humanos.<\/p>\n
Somos confrontados com a necessidade incontorn\u00e1vel de implementar este modelo solid\u00e1rio que pressup\u00f5e uma estrat\u00e9gia de transi\u00e7\u00e3o ecol\u00f3gica; que reivindica o papel da inova\u00e7\u00e3o, da ci\u00eancia e da tecnologia e as torne prioridades dos gastos p\u00fablicos; que recorre \u00e0s cadeias sociais de valor como mecanismo para ser competitivos ao mesmo tempo em que se fechem as lacunas; que incorpora em seu ide\u00e1rio o exerc\u00edcio, com direitos e deveres, de uma cidadania em escala regional, especialmente em momentos nos quais as garantias aos imigrantes parecem ser questionadas e o mundo transita para novas formas de segrega\u00e7\u00e3o.<\/p>\n
2.\tRecuperar o papel fundamental do Estado.
\nN\u00e3o se pode pensar em um futuro seguro, igualit\u00e1rio, livre e democr\u00e1tico se n\u00e3o se recupera um papel ativo e protagonista do Estado, desmontado e enfraquecido pelo dogma neoliberal. N\u00e3o se trata de voltar a f\u00f3rmulas anteriores, mas de desenvolver seu potencial de \u00e1rbitro do mercado, na distribui\u00e7\u00e3o do bem-estar coletivo, e de recuperar a gest\u00e3o p\u00fablica e a garantia de acesso igualit\u00e1rio de bens e servi\u00e7os de acesso universal que representam direitos tais como a sa\u00fade, a educa\u00e7\u00e3o, o trabalho, a cultura, a seguran\u00e7a alimentar, a \u00e1gua pot\u00e1vel, a habita\u00e7\u00e3o social, a energia, a comunica\u00e7\u00e3o e a informa\u00e7\u00e3o e o conhecimento cient\u00edfico.<\/p>\n
3.\tEstimular a responsabilidade social do mercado.
\nA garantia da empresa privada e seu leg\u00edtimo desenvolvimento inclui a obriga\u00e7\u00e3o do Estado de assegurar a livre concorr\u00eancia, defender o consumidor, proteger o trabalho decente e evitar pr\u00e1ticas monopolistas e oligop\u00f3licas. Da mesma forma, favorecer processos compartilhados de inova\u00e7\u00e3o para garantir a qualidade dos bens sociais p\u00fablicos e eliminar restri\u00e7\u00f5es, em fun\u00e7\u00e3o especialmente da conjuntura, \u00e0 propriedade intelectual sobre bens sociais. Por conseguinte, alertamos para a possibilidade de que as patentes se tornem impedimento para o acesso \u00e0 sa\u00fade como bem p\u00fablico. <\/p>\n
A iniciativa privada deve ser solid\u00e1ria com o Estado no respeito ao cumprimento de suas metas em mat\u00e9ria de inclus\u00e3o social, gera\u00e7\u00e3o de emprego decente e mais participa\u00e7\u00e3o democr\u00e1tica. O mercado n\u00e3o pode continuar sendo o para\u00edso de poucos e o inferno de muitos (1). <\/p>\n
4.\tAssumir a sa\u00fade como um bem p\u00fablico global.
\nA pandemia demonstrou a necessidade urgente de considerar a sa\u00fade um direito de todas e todos para construir sistemas universais de sa\u00fade p\u00fablica. Al\u00e9m disso, a crise evidenciou a necessidade de os Estados terem a capacidade de produzir vacinas, f\u00e1rmacos e insumos hospitalares necess\u00e1rios. Portanto, se requer dos Estados que garantam o direito universal \u00e0 sa\u00fade p\u00fablica, com acesso real e efetivo \u00e0 cidadania, inclusive aos imigrantes. As pol\u00edticas de sa\u00fade e de pesquisa cient\u00edfica, a produ\u00e7\u00e3o e o acesso a medicamentos n\u00e3o podem depender de crit\u00e9rios associados ao mercado, mas sim das prioridades e necessidades de nossos povos.<\/p>\n
Nessa ordem de ideias, o acesso universal \u00e0 vacina contra a Covid-19 deve ser uma exig\u00eancia do progressismo, que observa com preocupa\u00e7\u00e3o a especula\u00e7\u00e3o na distribui\u00e7\u00e3o e submiss\u00e3o \u00e0 l\u00f3gica do mercado sob o regime do direito privado. O Grupo de Puebla conclama empresas, organiza\u00e7\u00f5es e governos que hoje controlam a produ\u00e7\u00e3o e distribui\u00e7\u00e3o das vacinas a destinar imediatamente 10% de seus estoques para atender, em todos os pa\u00edses do mundo, o pessoal m\u00e9dico e da sa\u00fade, que est\u00e1 na linha de frente do combate ao v\u00edrus, e a popula\u00e7\u00e3o idosa, bem como portadores de patologias de risco.<\/p>\n
5.\tRever privatiza\u00e7\u00f5es e promover mais controle p\u00fablico e menos mercado no fornecimento de bens e servi\u00e7os p\u00fablicos.
\nN\u00e3o apenas a sa\u00fade deve ser vista como um bem p\u00fablico. A distribui\u00e7\u00e3o e redistribui\u00e7\u00e3o exclusivamente pelo mercado impede o acesso a bens e servi\u00e7os b\u00e1sicos para milh\u00f5es de pessoas em condi\u00e7\u00f5es de vulnerabilidade, tais como a educa\u00e7\u00e3o, a moradia e a seguran\u00e7a, entre outros. Da mesma forma, a inova\u00e7\u00e3o, a efici\u00eancia, o bem-estar geral, a justi\u00e7a social, a redistribui\u00e7\u00e3o da renda e da riqueza e a democracia representam ideais que s\u00f3 se concretizam com vontade pol\u00edtica, mediante a a\u00e7\u00e3o coletiva e n\u00e3o por mecanismos que presumem o mercado como uma intera\u00e7\u00e3o perfeita entre oferta e demanda. <\/p>\n
6.\tProteger a sociedade civil e o acesso equitativo \u00e0s redes sociais.
\nOs movimentos sociais, sua organiza\u00e7\u00e3o, os protestos sociais e sua livre express\u00e3o nas redes devem ser protegidos e garantidos pelo Estado. Tal prote\u00e7\u00e3o ser\u00e1 especialmente importante nos tempos atuais, tanto durante quanto no p\u00f3s-pandemia, quando o descontentamento social resultante do empobrecimento, da informaliza\u00e7\u00e3o do trabalho e do desemprego aumentarem. Portanto, o descontentamento e os protestos devem encontrar canais democr\u00e1ticos e pac\u00edficos para se expressar. A democracia deve ser entendida como um processo para transformar as rela\u00e7\u00f5es sociais de desigualdade de poder em v\u00ednculos de autoridade compartilhada (2).<\/p>\n
7.\tAprofundar e consolidar democracias.
\nA crise econ\u00f4mica e social vem enfraquecendo as democracias e os sistemas de representa\u00e7\u00e3o pol\u00edtica em todo o mundo. Na Am\u00e9rica Latina e no Caribe, esse cen\u00e1rio poderia ser ainda mais cr\u00edtico tendo em vista a fragilidade estrutural de nossos sistemas pol\u00edticos. Defendemos reformas estruturais que fortale\u00e7am nossas democracias, tornando-as mais participativas e inclusivas. Ser\u00e1 necess\u00e1rio, portanto, envolver os segmentos exclu\u00eddos, marginalizados e explorados para torn\u00e1-los atores din\u00e2micos do processo de tomada de decis\u00f5es p\u00fablicas. Precisamos de sistemas de governo que fortale\u00e7am e ressignifiquem o papel dos partidos pol\u00edticos, para que estes recuperem seu car\u00e1ter representativo, ao mesmo tempo em que reforcem os mecanismos de participa\u00e7\u00e3o direta e avancem para democracias participativas e radicais.<\/p>\n
8.\tResistir e combater a guerra h\u00edbrida.
\nNos \u00faltimos tempos, a regi\u00e3o foi atacada pela chamada guerra h\u00edbrida, uma iniciativa liderada pelos Estados Unidos que consiste em alterar o curso de nossas democracias. A principal estrat\u00e9gia desta nova forma de guerra consiste em golpes de Estado que, ao contr\u00e1rio do passado, n\u00e3o ocorrem apelando para os militares, mas sim tolhendo as faculdades dos Congressos e violando os direitos dos opositores com a\u00e7\u00f5es como a viola\u00e7\u00e3o de domic\u00edlios, a repress\u00e3o generalizada e a intimida\u00e7\u00e3o nos meios de comunica\u00e7\u00e3o e nas redes sociais. Tal agress\u00e3o visa acomodar a Am\u00e9rica Latina na agenda geopol\u00edtica dos Estados Unidos e pode incrementar e agudizar a pobreza, a mis\u00e9ria e a fome. Esta nova forma de golpe foi lan\u00e7ada contra Dilma Rousseff, Fernando Lugo, Manuel Zelaya e Evo Morales. <\/p>\n
9.\tRecha\u00e7ar as guerras jur\u00eddicas (lawfare).
\nO Grupo de Puebla recha\u00e7a as guerras jur\u00eddicas (lawfare), que s\u00e3o parte da guerra h\u00edbrida e que buscam restringir os direitos de organiza\u00e7\u00f5es, movimentos ou partidos progressistas. Esses processos que v\u00eam sendo praticados, com o apoio dos Estados Unidos, contra l\u00edderes progressistas da regi\u00e3o, tentam impedi-los de eleger e de serem eleitos mediante a supress\u00e3o de seus direitos ao devido processo legal e \u00e0 estigmatiza\u00e7\u00e3o da m\u00eddia por parte dos poderes f\u00e1ticos, que deslocaram os espa\u00e7os democr\u00e1ticos ocupados pelos partidos. As lideran\u00e7as progressistas t\u00eam pleno direito de exercer seu papel com garantias de vida, liberdade, mobilidade, express\u00e3o e origens geogr\u00e1ficas. Lembremo-nos que o poder Judici\u00e1rio pertence ao povo, portanto, deve ser resgatado como um servi\u00e7o p\u00fablico, com ju\u00edzes que defendem este poder popular de postulados sect\u00e1rios contra as cidad\u00e3s e os cidad\u00e3os, lideran\u00e7as opositoras e em benef\u00edcio dos governos de turno. Nesse sentido, destacamos o trabalho que vem sendo desenvolvido pelo Conselho Latino-Americano para a Justi\u00e7a e a Democracia (CLAJUD), criado pelo Grupo, contra a judicializa\u00e7\u00e3o da pol\u00edtica e a politiza\u00e7\u00e3o da justi\u00e7a. <\/p>\n
10.\tDefender Cuba, Nicar\u00e1gua e Venezuela da agress\u00e3o e inger\u00eancia de pot\u00eancias ou terceiros Estados.
\nV\u00e1rios dos pa\u00edses da regi\u00e3o t\u00eam sido objeto de a\u00e7\u00f5es que visam a desestabiliza\u00e7\u00e3o por meio da imposi\u00e7\u00e3o de bloqueios, san\u00e7\u00f5es econ\u00f4micas e pol\u00edticas unilaterais contr\u00e1rias ao direito internacional. Essas posi\u00e7\u00f5es anacr\u00f4nicas e superadas s\u00e3o ainda mais graves no contexto da crise sanit\u00e1ria, pois afetam o acesso a insumos, medicamentos e meios para a conten\u00e7\u00e3o da pandemia. O Grupo de Puebla considera tais posturas agress\u00f5es contra os segmentos mais vulner\u00e1veis de nossos povos, bem como uma amea\u00e7a ao processo de integra\u00e7\u00e3o. O progressismo promove sa\u00eddas alinhadas com a solu\u00e7\u00e3o pac\u00edfica de conflitos, a n\u00e3o interven\u00e7\u00e3o e o apoio a solu\u00e7\u00f5es democr\u00e1ticas, pac\u00edficas e negociadas. <\/p>\n
11.\tPromover uma luta efetiva contra a corrup\u00e7\u00e3o pol\u00edtica.
\nO Grupo de Puebla entende que a luta contra a corrup\u00e7\u00e3o p\u00fablica \u2013 e sua contrapartida privada \u2013 come\u00e7a pelo resgate do conceito de servi\u00e7o p\u00fablico e pela erradica\u00e7\u00e3o do Estado das pr\u00e1ticas de mercado que converteram as decis\u00f5es governamentais em leil\u00f5es privados de mercadorias e servi\u00e7os p\u00fablicos. No caso concreto da corrup\u00e7\u00e3o pol\u00edtica, prop\u00f5e, como passo inicial, o financiamento estatal e integral de todas as campanhas pol\u00edticas. Finalmente, neste combate \u00e0 corrup\u00e7\u00e3o, \u00e9 necess\u00e1rio chamar a aten\u00e7\u00e3o para os preju\u00edzos gerados pelos \u201cpara\u00edsos fiscais\u201d, que dificultam o rastreamento dos recursos retirados das fian\u00e7as p\u00fablicas e impulsionam as estrat\u00e9gias de acumula\u00e7\u00e3o de capital por parte das empresas transnacionais. <\/p>\n
12.\tGerar cadeias sociais de valor. A cria\u00e7\u00e3o de valor, por meio da reindustrializa\u00e7\u00e3o, deve come\u00e7ar pelo desenvolvimento de cadeias sociais de valor de pequenas e m\u00e9dias empresas que atuem associando elos produtivos inclusivos e ambientalmente sustent\u00e1veis. Este projeto deve ser acompanhado por mais investimento em inova\u00e7\u00e3o, no desenvolvimento de infraestruturas regionais e na cria\u00e7\u00e3o de mais facilidades log\u00edsticas em um ambiente internacional em que \u201cvender\u201d se tornou mais importante do que \u201cproduzir\u201d.<\/p>\n
13.\tPromover a igualdade, eliminar a pobreza, criar empregos decentes, aumentar sal\u00e1rios e implementar pol\u00edticas robustas de inclus\u00e3o social e elimina\u00e7\u00e3o da divis\u00e3o sexual do trabalho.
\nDevemos trabalhar na promo\u00e7\u00e3o ativa da igualdade social e na erradica\u00e7\u00e3o da pobreza, por meio da gera\u00e7\u00e3o de trabalho decente, do reconhecimento do trabalho de assist\u00eancia, do aumento dos sal\u00e1rios-base e da implementa\u00e7\u00e3o de pol\u00edticas integrais de inclus\u00e3o social centradas no novo ciclo de crescimento e em um modelo solid\u00e1rio de desenvolvimento.<\/p>\n
14.\tEstabelecer a Renda B\u00e1sica de Solidariedade.
\nO Grupo de Puebla prop\u00f5e, como ponto de partida para enfrentar a crise social agravada pela pandemia, que levou milh\u00f5es \u00e0 pobreza, uma Renda B\u00e1sica Solid\u00e1ria (RBS) de car\u00e1ter temporal, pelo per\u00edodo em que perdurarem os efeitos econ\u00f4micos e sociais da pandemia. A RBS deve complementar os programas existentes de transfer\u00eancia de renda. A RBS cobriria os 83 milh\u00f5es de latino-americanos que permaneceram na extrema pobreza ap\u00f3s a pandemia: 16 milh\u00f5es a mais depois da pandemia e os 214 milh\u00f5es j\u00e1 na pobreza, segundo dados da Cepal.<\/p>\n
15.\tPromover a justi\u00e7a fiscal.
\nPara recuperar o papel do Estado ser\u00e1 necess\u00e1rio promover reformas tribut\u00e1rias progressivas, com impostos diretos e progressivos sobre a renda e a riqueza, a elimina\u00e7\u00e3o das isen\u00e7\u00f5es e a penaliza\u00e7\u00e3o da sonega\u00e7\u00e3o fiscal, aliviando a carga tribut\u00e1ria sobre os mais pobres, as classes m\u00e9dias e as PMEs (pequenas e m\u00e9dias empresas). Em contrapartida, devem ser gerados mais impostos progressivos sobre as grandes empresas e atores do sistema financeiro que geram mais lucros.<\/p>\n
De acordo com a Comiss\u00e3o Econ\u00f4mica para a Am\u00e9rica Latina e o Caribe (Cepal), como consequ\u00eancia da evas\u00e3o fiscal, a regi\u00e3o perde todos os anos o equivalente a 6,3% do PIB regional, de modo que a implementa\u00e7\u00e3o de um programa desse tipo revela-se fact\u00edvel, sempre e quando se adaptem \u00e0s distintas realidades econ\u00f4micas e sociais de cada pa\u00eds, <\/p>\n
\u00c9 importante convocar metas fiscais para concretizar uma pol\u00edtica econ\u00f4mica solid\u00e1ria. Fazemos eco ao apelo da Comiss\u00e3o Independente sobre a Reforma da Tributa\u00e7\u00e3o nas Empresas, para que aquelas que geram mais lucros paguem um imposto de 25% para financiar a p\u00f3s-pandemia.<\/p>\n
16.\tRefinanciar a d\u00edvida externa e apoiar um mecanismo financeiro internacional para superar a crise.
\nOs pa\u00edses latino-americanos poderiam apoiar, quando considerado necess\u00e1rio e de forma volunt\u00e1ria, o refinanciamento da d\u00edvida externa frente aos organismos internacionais de cr\u00e9dito e os credores privados. Estima-se que um refinanciamento de dois anos da d\u00edvida externa regional, na hip\u00f3tese de que todos os pa\u00edses o solicitassem, mobilizaria recursos superiores a US$ 250 bilh\u00f5es, o que ajudaria a financiar a reconstru\u00e7\u00e3o da estrutura produtiva cujo custo foi estimado entre 10% e 12% do PIB, nos pr\u00f3ximos anos.<\/p>\n
Paralelamente, poder\u00edamos apoiar um esfor\u00e7o financeiro internacional para a supera\u00e7\u00e3o da crise, com a participa\u00e7\u00e3o de organismos multilaterais, como o Banco Mundial e o Banco Internacional de Reconstru\u00e7\u00e3o e Desenvolvimento (Bird), ou bancos regionais de desenvolvimento, para acessar um programa de recursos e cr\u00e9ditos de modo a impulsionar os investimentos e retomar o crescimento econ\u00f4mico regional. Esta aposta dependeria de uma negocia\u00e7\u00e3o mundial e poderia ser amparada por uma arquitetura financeira internacional a servi\u00e7o da economia real e da gera\u00e7\u00e3o de empregos, financiada com impostos sobre a mobilidade global de capitais, como a Taxa Tobin e impostos sobre grandes empresas de plataformas digitais.<\/p>\n
17.\tRecorrer a emiss\u00f5es diretas dos bancos centrais para os governos.
\nOs pa\u00edses europeus est\u00e3o demostrando que em casos de calamidades como a que estamos atravessando, o financiamento de programas com recursos de transmiss\u00e3o \u00e9 leg\u00edtimo. O espa\u00e7o deixado pelas taxas negativas de infla\u00e7\u00e3o e a necessidade de expandir a demanda para reativar a economia e reconstruir o tecido social justificaria plenamente este mecanismo em algumas economias latino-americanas e caribenhas. Uma ideia que deveria ser contemplada consiste na elimina\u00e7\u00e3o da regra fiscal e que sejam diretamente os governos, e n\u00e3o a banca privada, a administrarem os recursos para a recupera\u00e7\u00e3o. <\/p>\n
18.\tEstabelecer uma nova pol\u00edtica econ\u00f4mica solid\u00e1ria.
\nA pol\u00edtica social n\u00e3o pode estar subordinada \u00e0s prioridades de curto prazo da economia. A regi\u00e3o exige uma pol\u00edtica econ\u00f4mica antic\u00edclica, generosa em tempos de escassez, submetida a prioridades sociais em mat\u00e9ria de emprego e igualdade, sustentada fiscalmente por impostos progressivos e com controle soberano das entradas e sa\u00eddas de capitais internacionais. Os governos progressistas, na virada do s\u00e9culo, demonstraram que a estabilidade macroecon\u00f4mica pode ser alcan\u00e7ada sem sacrificar metas de crescimento e de inclus\u00e3o social.<\/p>\n
19.\tGerar emprego e desenvolvimento ao mesmo tempo em que se garanta a estabilidade macroecon\u00f4mica e o recha\u00e7o \u00e0 austeridade.
\nAs pol\u00edticas ortodoxas de austeridade causam enormes danos \u00e0s nossas economias e sociedades, especialmente em um ambiente de contra\u00e7\u00e3o econ\u00f4mica, estagna\u00e7\u00e3o do com\u00e9rcio mundial e esgotamento do investimento privado. Consideramos que \u00e9 obriga\u00e7\u00e3o do Estado garantir uma pol\u00edtica macroecon\u00f4mica que combine o controle da infla\u00e7\u00e3o, a gera\u00e7\u00e3o de empregos decentes e a promo\u00e7\u00e3o do desenvolvimento sustent\u00e1vel. Em muitos casos, isso implicar\u00e1 a modifica\u00e7\u00e3o das metas da pol\u00edtica monet\u00e1ria por parte de bancos centrais com uma autonomia que dependa da prote\u00e7\u00e3o do interesse geral e coletivo.<\/p>\n
20.\tInstituir uma nova arquitetura financeira regional.
\nO Modelo Solid\u00e1rio de Desenvolvimento (MSD) poderia apoiar-se em uma nova arquitetura financeira regional capaz de garantir sua independ\u00eancia. Esta estrutura seria composta por uma rede de bancos regionais que atenderia os financiamentos setoriais e o ressurgimento da ideia do Banco do Sul. Uma expans\u00e3o do atual Fundo de Reserva da Am\u00e9rica Latina (FLAR) \u00e9 necess\u00e1ria para financiar a balan\u00e7a de pagamentos. A regi\u00e3o deve se libertar das condicionalidades do Fundo Monet\u00e1rio Internacional e do Banco Mundial. Para opera\u00e7\u00f5es financeiras de infraestrutura e projetos de desenvolvimento tecnol\u00f3gico seriam buscadas alian\u00e7as tempor\u00e1rias com bancos internacionais, especialmente de pa\u00edses do Sul Global, como os organismos que atendem os Brics e as ag\u00eancias financeiras asi\u00e1ticas, que j\u00e1 demonstraram interesse em apoiar investimentos na Am\u00e9rica Latina e no Caribe. O cen\u00e1rio da Associa\u00e7\u00e3o Latino-Americana de Integra\u00e7\u00e3o (Aladi) poderia ser aproveitado para promover acordos de pagamento em moedas nacionais ou fortalecer os mecanismos existentes. <\/p>\n
21.\tImplementar uma nova industrializa\u00e7\u00e3o e a transi\u00e7\u00e3o verde.
\nEm termos de gera\u00e7\u00e3o de empregos, deve-se buscar um novo modelo de desenvolvimento baseado na substitui\u00e7\u00e3o da atividade extrativista por uma nova industrializa\u00e7\u00e3o sob os par\u00e2metros da sustentabilidade ambiental e em chave de transi\u00e7\u00e3o ecol\u00f3gica. De igual modo, devemos trabalhar em uma reforma rural integral que garanta o acesso \u00e0 terra para as camponesas e camponeses, apoiando a agricultura familiar e camponesa, promovendo uma agricultura de baixo carbono voltada \u00e0 produ\u00e7\u00e3o de alimentos saud\u00e1veis e compat\u00edveis com o meio ambiente, com crit\u00e9rios de aumento da produtividade baseada nas novas tecnologias da informa\u00e7\u00e3o e das comunica\u00e7\u00f5es. Isso implica um apoio mais amplo \u00e0s demandas do ambientalismo em sua luta contra os transg\u00eanicos, na defesa da biodiversidade e na prote\u00e7\u00e3o de reservas ecol\u00f3gicas seriamente amea\u00e7adas.<\/p>\n
22.\tIncluir o buen vivir ou o vivir bien como paradigma.
\nVoltando aos ensinamentos dos povos origin\u00e1rios, o conceito de sumak kawsay (bem viver) ou suma qama\u00f1a (viver bem) deve ser adotado como um marco de refer\u00eancia para a melhoria da qualidade de vida no \u00e2mbito de uma fraternidade hist\u00f3rica, cultural e espiritual. Essa no\u00e7\u00e3o dos povos origin\u00e1rios andinos coincide com a proposta do Papa Francisco de estimular a fraternidade global, deixando de lado a \u201ccultura dos muros\u201d que acaba escravizando quem os constr\u00f3i fechando-se em seus pr\u00f3prios c\u00e1rceres, se deixar lugar para o reconhecimento do \u00aboutro\u00bb, base da conviv\u00eancia global (3). <\/p>\n
23.\tPromover a constru\u00e7\u00e3o da cidadania.
\nO conceito de cidadania tem a ver com o lugar onde se nasce e se vive e o direito a ter direitos, bem como a possibilidade de exerc\u00ea-los em qualquer parte do mundo. A livre mobilidade das pessoas em um espa\u00e7o geogr\u00e1fico \u00e9 a ess\u00eancia da integra\u00e7\u00e3o no s\u00e9culo XXI. Como entender a exig\u00eancia permanente para facilitar a mobilidade de mercadorias, servi\u00e7os, capitais e dados diante dos obst\u00e1culos colocados para impedir a mobilidade das pessoas? Mobilidade para nascer, trabalhar, estudar, conhecer, eleger, ser eleita ou eleito, aposentar-se ou morrer dignamente. A constru\u00e7\u00e3o da cidadania latino-americana, por meio da elimina\u00e7\u00e3o de todas as barreiras que dificultam o exerc\u00edcio de seus direitos na regi\u00e3o, constitui o desafio mais importante do s\u00e9culo XXI. A meta \u00e9 que, ao final do processo, n\u00e3o existam imigrantes, mas cidad\u00e3os da regi\u00e3o e do mundo.<\/p>\n
24.\tGarantir o acesso \u00e0 informa\u00e7\u00e3o, a liberdade de express\u00e3o e promover uma ordem de informa\u00e7\u00e3o mais democr\u00e1tica.
\nA prolifera\u00e7\u00e3o de informa\u00e7\u00f5es n\u00e3o resultou em um acesso massivo e equilibrado. H\u00e1 alguns anos, pensava-se que as plataformas e as redes sociais serviriam por si s\u00f3s a causas populares e \u00e0 amplia\u00e7\u00e3o da participa\u00e7\u00e3o democr\u00e1tica. A realidade mostra-nos um quadro quase monopolista de grandes conglomerados cuja chegada fortalece seus modelos de neg\u00f3cios baseados na obten\u00e7\u00e3o e venda de dados pessoais e perfis e na facilita\u00e7\u00e3o de discursos antidemocr\u00e1ticos. Isso n\u00e3o apenas ampliou as brechas a partir de uma perspectiva intersetorial, como tamb\u00e9m permitiu interfer\u00eancias ilegais nos processos eleitorais. Hoje, amplos setores da sociedade est\u00e3o privados de acesso \u00e0 informa\u00e7\u00e3o e \u00e0s novas tecnologias. Devemos trabalhar para democratizar as comunica\u00e7\u00f5es de modo tal que o acesso \u00e0 informa\u00e7\u00e3o e \u00e0s novas tecnologias da informa\u00e7\u00e3o e da comunica\u00e7\u00e3o seja garantido como direito, e que os dados de todos sejam protegidos.<\/p>\n
25.\tFortalecer a converg\u00eancia para a integra\u00e7\u00e3o.
\nO Grupo de Puebla prop\u00f5e um processo de converg\u00eancia de seus atuais mecanismos de integra\u00e7\u00e3o sub-regional (4) at\u00e9 chegar a um cen\u00e1rio de articula\u00e7\u00e3o e di\u00e1logo na Comunidade de Estados Latino-Americanos e Caribenhos (CELAC), onde est\u00e3o presentes hoje 34 pa\u00edses da regi\u00e3o. A partir da matriz de converg\u00eancia, desenhada pela Uni\u00e3o de Na\u00e7\u00f5es Sul-Americanas (UNASUL), se identificam as potencialidades, duplicidades e especialidades de cada organismo para definir o campo de atua\u00e7\u00e3o de uma CELAC revigorada, empoderada por meio de uma Secretaria-Geral, com respaldo t\u00e9cnico, representando a regi\u00e3o frente a um sistema multilateral de governo. A converg\u00eancia n\u00e3o pressup\u00f5e a elimina\u00e7\u00e3o de f\u00f3runs, conven\u00e7\u00f5es ou organismos de coordena\u00e7\u00e3o regional, mas sim uma articula\u00e7\u00e3o din\u00e2mica daqueles que comp\u00f5em o universo da integra\u00e7\u00e3o na Am\u00e9rica Latina e no Caribe.<\/p>\n
26.\tPromover a integra\u00e7\u00e3o latino-americana soberana.
\nOs espa\u00e7os de integra\u00e7\u00e3o regional devem ter como objetivos principais a preserva\u00e7\u00e3o da regi\u00e3o como zona de paz, a constru\u00e7\u00e3o da cidadania, a promo\u00e7\u00e3o do desenvolvimento comum, a vig\u00eancia dos Direitos Humanos, a consolida\u00e7\u00e3o da soberania e o fortalecimento do mercado regional. Da mesma forma, \u00e9 indispens\u00e1vel dar novo impulso \u00e0 integra\u00e7\u00e3o latino-americana para que, em conjunto, os pa\u00edses da regi\u00e3o recuperem a autonomia frente ao Fundo Monet\u00e1rio Internacional (FMI) e \u00e0s institui\u00e7\u00f5es do capital financeiro internacional, como as ag\u00eancias de classifica\u00e7\u00e3o de risco, as quais, sob amea\u00e7a de revis\u00e3o da avalia\u00e7\u00e3o por pa\u00eds, provocam crises cambiais e comprometem a atua\u00e7\u00e3o soberana da pol\u00edtica econ\u00f4mica. \u00c9 necess\u00e1rio, igualmente, priorizar os Direitos Humanos diante das obriga\u00e7\u00f5es derivadas dos tratados de com\u00e9rcio e investimento e vincul\u00e1-los ao respeito \u00e0s normas sociais e ambientais, evitando que os processos de arbitragem internacional violem os direitos das pessoas, dos povos e da natureza.<\/p>\n
27.\tApoiar a reforma do sistema das Na\u00e7\u00f5es Unidas para fortalecer o multilateralismo e a multipolaridade.
\nO Grupo de Puebla apoia a reforma h\u00e1 muito esperada do sistema vigente das Na\u00e7\u00f5es Unidas para fortalec\u00ea-la. S\u00e3o sintomas de seu enfraquecimento: a falta de financiamento de seu subsistema social (Unesco, OIT, FAO, entre outros); a excessiva focaliza\u00e7\u00e3o de suas opera\u00e7\u00f5es militares de manuten\u00e7\u00e3o da paz; as condicionalidades sociais impostas pelos organismos que conformam seu subsistema econ\u00f4mico (Fundo Monet\u00e1rio Internacional, Banco Mundial e Organiza\u00e7\u00e3o Mundial do Com\u00e9rcio); e a aus\u00eancia de sistemas democr\u00e1ticos de tomada de decis\u00e3o em seus \u00f3rg\u00e3os pol\u00edticos (Assembleia Geral e Conselho de Seguran\u00e7a). Ao apoiar a necess\u00e1ria reforma do sistema das Na\u00e7\u00f5es Unidas, o Grupo de Puebla tamb\u00e9m reitera seu apoio ao multilateralismo como f\u00f3rmula de conviv\u00eancia global, seu recha\u00e7o \u00e0s hegemonias e a necessidade de se criar uma ordem internacional mais sim\u00e9trica, justa e multipolar.<\/p>\n
28.\tPromover a revolu\u00e7\u00e3o do conhecimento.
\nA nova industrializa\u00e7\u00e3o e um novo modelo de desenvolvimento sustent\u00e1vel exigir\u00e3o que o conhecimento se torne fonte das mudan\u00e7as econ\u00f4micas, sociais e pol\u00edticas aqui propostas. A regi\u00e3o deve investir maci\u00e7amente em educa\u00e7\u00e3o p\u00fablica de qualidade em todos os n\u00edveis, de tal forma que possa contar com uma cidadania informada como fundamento para um modelo de desenvolvimento que se baseie na solidariedade e na inova\u00e7\u00e3o. O Grupo de Puebla se prop\u00f5e a levar o investimento em ci\u00eancia e tecnologia a 2% do PIB em 2030, uma meta flex\u00edvel e adaptada \u00e0s distintas condi\u00e7\u00f5es dos pa\u00edses de nossa regi\u00e3o. Da mesma forma, sugerimos a composi\u00e7\u00e3o de uma Miss\u00e3o Cient\u00edfica que identifique e priorize os campos para os quais este esfor\u00e7o deve ser direcionado, enfatizando a pesquisa biol\u00f3gica, o desenvolvimento de cadeias sociais de valor, a qualidade dos servi\u00e7os sociais, o cuidado das doen\u00e7as tropicais, o desenvolvimento de vacinas e medicamentos, a conserva\u00e7\u00e3o da biodiversidade, o desenvolvimento de energias alternativas e a prote\u00e7\u00e3o de florestas e \u00e1guas. O Grupo de Puebla tamb\u00e9m prop\u00f5e que os pa\u00edses fa\u00e7am investimentos significativos na inclus\u00e3o digital, como instrumento para dinamizar o fomento \u00e0 educa\u00e7\u00e3o e \u00e0 difus\u00e3o da informa\u00e7\u00e3o. <\/p>\n
29.\tApresentar uma agenda cultural para as identidades.
\nA integra\u00e7\u00e3o nasce da identidade. O Grupo de Puebla rejeita o paradigma de uma cultura \u00fanica e global e defende o multiculturalismo como caminho para uma conviv\u00eancia regional com a alteridade que implica o reconhecimento do outro. Para o respeito dessa identidade diversa e inclusiva \u00e9 necess\u00e1rio construir uma agenda cultural regional que revalide ra\u00edzes, narrativas e valores comuns, apoie gestores e trabalhadores culturais e promova as ind\u00fastrias culturais que, al\u00e9m de explicitarem tais conte\u00fados identit\u00e1rios, os tornem social e economicamente produtivos. <\/p>\n
30.\tPromover a igualdade de g\u00eanero como motor de transforma\u00e7\u00e3o progressista.
\nA crise sanit\u00e1ria tornou vis\u00edveis, aos governos e \u00e0 cidadania, as graves situa\u00e7\u00f5es de desigualdade e discrimina\u00e7\u00e3o vividas pelas mulheres, especialmente as de comunidades \u00e9tnicas, camponesas, trabalhadoras informais e idosas, entre outras. A pandemia, as medidas sanit\u00e1rias como o confinamento domiciliar, atingem as mulheres, crian\u00e7as e adolescentes em dois aspectos: a viol\u00eancia, que foi agravada pela necessidade de conviver com os agressores e pela impossibilidade, em muitos casos, de pedir ajuda e dirigir-se \u00e0s inst\u00e2ncias da administra\u00e7\u00e3o e da justi\u00e7a. E, em segundo lugar, pelo impacto sobre sua autonomia econ\u00f4mica, uma vez que muitas mulheres integram o setor informal da economia fortemente afetado pela crise de sa\u00fade. Soma-se a isso a discrimina\u00e7\u00e3o no trabalho; a limita\u00e7\u00e3o dos direitos sexuais e reprodutivos; a falta de reconhecimento pelo trabalho dom\u00e9stico e de cuidado n\u00e3o remunerado que desempenham, e a falta de acesso e participa\u00e7\u00e3o parit\u00e1ria na esfera p\u00fablica. A omiss\u00e3o e lentid\u00e3o de rea\u00e7\u00e3o das autoridades para restituir seus direitos e dignidade agravam a situa\u00e7\u00e3o.<\/p>\n
A elimina\u00e7\u00e3o de todas as formas de invisibilidade, viol\u00eancia, opress\u00e3o e discrimina\u00e7\u00e3o contra mulheres, meninas e adolescentes deve ser um compromisso inadi\u00e1vel. E \u00e9 justamente por isso, que a perspectiva de g\u00eanero e de Direitos Humanos, a interseccionalidade e a promo\u00e7\u00e3o e prote\u00e7\u00e3o dos os Direitos Humanos das mulheres devem ser uma marca do progressismo.<\/p>\n
31.\tCombater o racismo estrutural e todas as formas de discrimina\u00e7\u00e3o.
\nAl\u00e9m de lutar contra o patriarcado, ser\u00e1 fundamental combater o racismo estrutural e todas as outras formas de discrimina\u00e7\u00e3o, como a lesbofobia, homofobia, transfobia e todas as relacionadas \u00e0 orienta\u00e7\u00e3o sexual e identidade de g\u00eanero, que criam enormes desigualdades e colocam mulheres e homens em condi\u00e7\u00f5es extremas de vulnerabilidade, viol\u00eancia e exclus\u00e3o. Nosso objetivo deve ser a constru\u00e7\u00e3o de sociedades p\u00f3s-raciais, p\u00f3s-patriarcais, profundamente igualit\u00e1rias e n\u00e3o discriminat\u00f3rias. <\/p>\n
32.\tAlcan\u00e7ar e preservar a Paz.
\nComo express\u00e3o de for\u00e7as progressistas, o Grupo de Puebla incentiva toda iniciativa que leve ao estabelecimento ou fortalecimento da paz nas na\u00e7\u00f5es latino-americanas, no continente e no mundo. Recha\u00e7a o uso da viol\u00eancia em qualquer de suas formas, o incitamento ao \u00f3dio, a interven\u00e7\u00e3o estrangeira ou a promo\u00e7\u00e3o da guerra para impor o dom\u00ednio de grupos de poder nacionais ou transnacionais. Incentiva igualmente a reorienta\u00e7\u00e3o dos recursos hoje utilizados pelos Estados para a produ\u00e7\u00e3o, compra ou comercializa\u00e7\u00e3o de armas, destinando-os ao sistema de sa\u00fade e educa\u00e7\u00e3o. Da mesma forma, insta todos os governos da regi\u00e3o a contribu\u00edrem para a proibi\u00e7\u00e3o internacional do uso de armas nucleares no planeta, evitando sua prolifera\u00e7\u00e3o, bem como para estimular o desmantelamento de arsenais nucleares.<\/p>\n
33.\tApoiar a mobiliza\u00e7\u00e3o social.
\nO Grupo de Puebla respalda as mobiliza\u00e7\u00f5es sociais como express\u00e3o genu\u00edna de inconformidade e mudan\u00e7a que devem ser garantidas como direito. Por sua vez, o Grupo expressa sua preocupa\u00e7\u00e3o com a militariza\u00e7\u00e3o das respostas aos protestos sociais. A mobiliza\u00e7\u00e3o social \u00e9 um direito e uma garantia inscrita nos sistemas democr\u00e1ticos, ao quem, o uso desproporcional da for\u00e7a para combat\u00ea-la constitui uma grave amea\u00e7a \u00e0 democracia.<\/p>\n
Finalmente:<\/strong><\/p>\nNosso dever, como progressistas, consiste em ler, entender e compreender a vigorosa, ainda que dolorosa mensagem de parar, refletir e seguir em frente que nos deixa a pandemia. Somos instados a trabalhar em um projeto pol\u00edtico que comova e conven\u00e7a os sobreviventes do velho modelo de que ainda existem na Am\u00e9rica Latina e no Caribe utopias alternativas poss\u00edveis. A utopia poss\u00edvel que hoje nos re\u00fane \u00e9 a constru\u00e7\u00e3o do novo ser progressista latino-americano: mais solid\u00e1rio no social, mais produtivo no econ\u00f4mico, mais participativo no pol\u00edtico, mais pac\u00edfico com a natureza, e, acima de tudo, mais orgulhoso do seu estatuto de cidad\u00e3 e cidad\u00e3o da Am\u00e9rica Latina e do Caribe.<\/p>\n
Fevereiro de 2021
\nNotas
\n(1)\t Luiz In\u00e1cio Lula da Silva
\n(2)\t De Sousa Santos, Boaventura (2017). Democracia y transformaci\u00f3n social. Bogot\u00e1: Siglo del Hombre Editores
\n(3)\t Enc\u00edclica Fratelli Tutti, 2020
\n(4)\t Comunidad Andina, Unasur, Mercosur, Organizaci\u00f3n del Tratado de Cooperaci\u00f3n Amaz\u00f3nica, Alba, Caricom, Alianza del Pac\u00edfico, Asociaci\u00f3n de Estados del Caribe y SICA.
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